The feudal mode of computing (1): the problem

I have … called this model of computing feudal. Users pledge allegiance to more powerful companies who, in turn, promise to protect them from both sysadmin duties and security threats. It’s a metaphor that’s rich in history and in fiction, and a model that’s increasingly permeating computing today. Feudal security consolidates power in the hands of the few. These companies act in their own self-interest. They use their relationship with us to increase their profits, sometimes at our expense. They act arbitrarily. They make mistakes. They’re deliberately changing social norms. Medieval feudalism gave the lords vast powers over the landless peasants; we’re seeing the same thing on the Internet.

We exceptionally republish a full article, from Bruce Schneier, in two parts. Today we focus on why centralized institutions have won the war on the internet:

1. What went wrong with the democratic promise of the internet

“In its early days, there was a lot of talk about the “natural laws of the Internet” and how it would empower the masses, upend traditional power blocks, and spread freedom throughout the world. The international nature of the Internet made a mockery of national laws. Anonymity was easy. Censorship was impossible. Police were clueless about cybercrime. And bigger changes were inevitable. Digital cash would undermine national sovereignty. Citizen journalism would undermine the media, corporate PR, and political parties. Easy copying would destroy the traditional movie and music industries. Web marketing would allow even the smallest companies to compete against corporate giants. It really would be a new world order.

Some of this did come to pass. The entertainment industries have been transformed and are now more open to outsiders. Broadcast media has changed, and some of the most influential people in the media have come from the blogging world. There are new ways to run elections and organize politically. Facebook and Twitter really did help topple governments. But that was just one side of the Internet’s disruptive character. Today, the traditional corporate and government power is ascendant, and more powerful than ever.

2.Power in the feudal mode of computing

On the corporate side, power is consolidating around both vendor-managed user devices and large personal-data aggregators. It’s a result of two current trends in computing. First, the rise of cloud computing means that we no longer have control of our data. Our e-mail, photos, calendar, address book, messages, and documents are on servers belonging to Google, Apple, Microsoft, Facebook, and so on. And second, the rise of vendor-managed platforms means that we no longer have control of our computing devices. We’re increasingly accessing our data using iPhones, iPads, Android phones, Kindles, ChromeBooks, and so on. Even Windows 8 and Apple’s Mountain Lion are heading in the direction of less user control.

On the corporate side, power is consolidating around both vendor-managed user devices and large personal-data aggregators. It’s a result of two current trends in computing. First, the rise of cloud computing means that we no longer have control of our data. Our e-mail, photos, calendar, address book, messages, and documents are on servers belonging to Google, Apple, Microsoft, Facebook, and so on. And second, the rise of vendor-managed platforms means that we no longer have control of our computing devices. We’re increasingly accessing our data using iPhones, iPads, Android phones, Kindles, ChromeBooks, and so on. Even Windows 8 and Apple’s Mountain Lion are heading in the direction of less user control.

I have previously called this model of computing feudal. Users pledge allegiance to more powerful companies who, in turn, promise to protect them from both sysadmin duties and security threats. It’s a metaphor that’s rich in history and in fiction, and a model that’s increasingly permeating computing today.

Feudal security consolidates power in the hands of the few. These companies act in their own self-interest. They use their relationship with us to increase their profits, sometimes at our expense. They act arbitrarily. They make mistakes. They’re deliberately changing social norms. Medieval feudalism gave the lords vast powers over the landless peasants; we’re seeing the same thing on the Internet.

It’s not all bad, of course. Medieval feudalism was a response to a dangerous world, and depended on hierarchical relationships with obligations in both directions. We – especially those of us who are not technical – like the convenience, redundancy, portability, automation, and shareability of vendor-managed devices. We like cloud backup. We like automatic updates. We like it that Facebook just works – from any device, anywhere.

Government power is also increasing on the Internet. Long gone are the days of an Internet without borders, and governments are better able to use the four technologies of social control: surveillance, censorship, propaganda, and use control. There’s a growing “cyber sovereignty” movement that totalitarian governments are embracing to give them more control – a change the US opposes, because it has substantial control under the current system. And the cyberwar arms race is in full swing, further consolidating government power.
In many cases, the interests of corporate and government power are aligning. Both corporations and governments want ubiquitous surveillance, and the NSA is using Google, Facebook, Verizon, and others to get access to data it couldn’t otherwise. The entertainment industry is looking to governments to enforce their antiquated business models. Commercial security equipment from companies like BlueCoat and Sophos is being used by oppressive governments to surveil and censor their citizens. The same facial recognition technology that Disney uses in its theme parks also identifies protesters in China and Occupy Wall Street activists in New York.

What happened? How, in those early Internet years, did we get the future so wrong?

The truth is that technology magnifies power in general, but the rates of adoption are different. The unorganized, the distributed, the marginal, the dissidents, the powerless, the criminal: they can make use of new technologies faster. And when those groups discovered the Internet, suddenly they had power. But when the already powerful big institutions finally figured out how to harness the Internet for their needs, they had more power to magnify. That’s the difference: the distributed were more nimble and were quicker to make use of their new power, while the institutional were slower but were able to use their power more effectively. So while the Syrian dissidents used Facebook to organize, the Syrian government used Facebook to identify dissidents.

2 Comments The feudal mode of computing (1): the problem

  1. AvatarMark Janssen

    Despite the balkanization and the apparent “suburbanization” of the Internet, this should not be taken as a failure in any sense.

    The Internet and the abstraction that it provides is FAR greater than any particular implementation or manifestation of it. No matter what “apps” may dominate “mind-share”, the power of the internet allows usage to remain unrestricted elsewhere with very little drop in performance or capability.

    P2P apps still have promise to re-invent the internet and the power of it allows it to be transformed in short order: as soon as the “killer app” arrives. The real question is: Why did everybody settle for mediocrity when they could have a free culture and balanced society? This is not a failure of the Internet by any means, it is a failure of society.

    As for “What happened?”. The success of the Napster takedown by corporate lawyers squashed much of the hope that was “a network of equipotent peers” (i.e. p2p revolution). Apparently, either we did not understand copyright well enough to argue for free culture (which I’ve re-visited at Ward Cunningham’s original WikiWikiWeb (http://c2.com/cgi/wiki?FairCredit) or no one else was willing to “fight the power” ON THE GROUND (i.e. #Occupy) to take back a government “of the People” — an issue that is very sad and close to me.

    In any event, two lessons to drill into the head:

    1) Stop propagating the nonsense that the government is corrupt — because it can only be as good as those who fight for it,
    2) Join me and those few of us left who still know the power of the Internet and Believe.

    Mark Janssen
    pangaia.sf.net

  2. Avatarpunund

    The feudal analogy doesn’t hold for the same simple reason:

    You digital vassals are free to go. There are no dangers in the outer world to seek protection against by a powerful lord.

    No one will burn your house if you leave Facebook. Your crops won’t be devastated if you don’t use Google. Your country won’t be conquered if your contacts are not kept in iCloud. You are there because it is convenient for you, nothing else. Billions of people are not on Facebook, billions more use Google for search without creating account. Maybe your life is a little bit more enjoyable with online presence, but it’s definitely not a question of survival.

    Syrian insurgents unite using Facebook, the government hunts them down using Facebook. You think it would’ve been harder for the government to eavesdrop on their phone lines? Those who use Facebook for that don’t seem to care much. And those who do, they use Tor or i2p, and positively no government can do anything without it. Anything!

    Thanks to the internet, you can raise fund to topple your government, selling drugs for bitcoins and buying weapons for bitcoins on Silk Road or whatever black market succeeds it, with no conceivable risk, now how feudal is that? The point of that is while the technology empowers people, and it empowers corporations, but people still win by comparison.

    The beauty of digital age is that it can answer your challenge. If you are concerned about privacy, it is extremely easy to become absolutely anonymous. Why Zimmerman was persecuted by the U.S. government so fervently — they saw it coming, they are not dumb. And now it’s here.

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