YouTube – P2P Foundation https://blog.p2pfoundation.net Researching, documenting and promoting peer to peer practices Tue, 12 Jun 2018 16:06:16 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=5.5.15 62076519 The EU’s Copyright Proposal is Extremely Bad News for Everyone, Even (Especially!) Wikipedia https://blog.p2pfoundation.net/the-eus-copyright-proposal-is-extremely-bad-news-for-everyone-even-especially-wikipedia/2018/06/14 https://blog.p2pfoundation.net/the-eus-copyright-proposal-is-extremely-bad-news-for-everyone-even-especially-wikipedia/2018/06/14#respond Thu, 14 Jun 2018 09:00:00 +0000 https://blog.p2pfoundation.net/?p=71385 Republished from EFF.org Cory Doctorow: The pending update to the EU Copyright Directive is coming up for a committee vote on June 20 or 21 and a parliamentary vote either in early July or late September. While the directive fixes some longstanding problems with EU rules, it creates much, much larger ones: problems so big... Continue reading

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Republished from EFF.org

Cory Doctorow: The pending update to the EU Copyright Directive is coming up for a committee vote on June 20 or 21 and a parliamentary vote either in early July or late September. While the directive fixes some longstanding problems with EU rules, it creates much, much larger ones: problems so big that they threaten to wreck the Internet itself.

Under Article 13 of the proposal, sites that allow users to post text, sounds, code, still or moving images, or other copyrighted works for public consumption will have to filter all their users’ submissions against a database of copyrighted works. Sites will have to pay to license the technology to match submissions to the database, and to identify near matches as well as exact ones. Sites will be required to have a process to allow rightsholders to update this list with more copyrighted works.

Even under the best of circumstances, this presents huge problems. Algorithms that do content-matching are frankly terrible at it. The Made-in-the-USA version of this is YouTube’s Content ID system, which improperly flags legitimate works all the time, but still gets flack from entertainment companies for not doing more.

There are lots of legitimate reasons for Internet users to upload copyrighted works. You might upload a clip from a nightclub (or a protest, or a technical presentation) that includes some copyrighted music in the background. Or you might just be wearing a t-shirt with your favorite album cover in your Tinder profile. You might upload the cover of a book you’re selling on an online auction site, or you might want to post a photo of your sitting room in the rental listing for your flat, including the posters on the wall and the picture on the TV.

Wikipedians have even more specialised reasons to upload material: pictures of celebrities, photos taken at newsworthy events, and so on.

But the bots that Article 13 mandates will not be perfect. In fact, by design, they will be wildly imperfect.

Article 13 punishes any site that fails to block copyright infringement, but it won’t punish people who abuse the system. There are no penalties for falsely claiming copyright over someone else’s work, which means that someone could upload all of Wikipedia to a filter system (for instance, one of the many sites that incorporate Wikpedia’s content into their own databases) and then claim ownership over it on Twitter, Facebook and WordPress, and everyone else would be prevented from quoting Wikipedia on any of those services until they sorted out the false claims. It will be a lot easier to make these false claims that it will be to figure out which of the hundreds of millions of copyrighted claims are real and which ones are pranks or hoaxes or censorship attempts.

Article 13 also leaves you out in the cold when your own work is censored thanks to a malfunctioning copyright bot. Your only option when you get censored is to raise an objection with the platform and hope they see it your way—but if they fail to give real consideration to your petition, you have to go to court to plead your case.

Article 13 gets Wikipedia coming and going: not only does it create opportunities for unscrupulous or incompetent people to block the sharing of Wikipedia’s content beyond its bounds, it could also require Wikipedia to filter submissions to the encyclopedia and its surrounding projects, like Wikimedia Commons. The drafters of Article 13 have tried to carve Wikipedia out of the rule, but thanks to sloppy drafting, they have failed: the exemption is limited to “noncommercial activity”. Every file on Wikipedia is licensed for commercial use.

Then there’s the websites that Wikipedia relies on as references. The fragility and impermanence of links is already a serious problem for Wikipedia’s crucial footnotes, but after Article 13 becomes law, any information hosted in the EU might disappear—and links to US mirrors might become infringing—at any moment thanks to an overzealous copyright bot. For these reasons and many more, the Wikimedia Foundation has taken a public position condemning Article 13.

Speaking of references: the problems with the new copyright proposal don’t stop there. Under Article 11, each member state will get to create a new copyright in news. If it passes, in order to link to a news website, you will either have to do so in a way that satisfies the limitations and exceptions of all 28 laws, or you will have to get a license. This is fundamentally incompatible with any sort of wiki (obviously), much less Wikipedia.

It also means that the websites that Wikipedia relies on for its reference links may face licensing hurdles that would limit their ability to cite their own sources. In particular, news sites may seek to withhold linking licenses from critics who want to quote from them in order to analyze, correct and critique their articles, making it much harder for anyone else to figure out where the positions are in debates, especially years after the fact. This may not matter to people who only pay attention to news in the moment, but it’s a blow to projects that seek to present and preserve long-term records of noteworthy controversies. And since every member state will get to make its own rules for quotation and linking, Wikipedia posts will have to satisfy a patchwork of contradictory rules, some of which are already so severe that they’d ban any items in a “Further Reading” list unless the article directly referenced or criticized them.

The controversial measures in the new directive have been tried before. For example, link taxes were tried in Spain and Germany and they failed, and publishers don’t want them. Indeed, the only country to embrace this idea as workable is China, where mandatory copyright enforcement bots have become part of the national toolkit for controlling public discourse.

Articles 13 and 11 are poorly thought through, poorly drafted, unworkable—and dangerous. The collateral damage they will impose on every realm of public life can’t be overstated. The Internet, after all, is inextricably bound up in the daily lives of hundreds of millions of Europeans and an entire constellation of sites and services will be adversely affected by Article 13. Europe can’t afford to place education, employment, family life, creativity, entertainment, business, protest, politics, and a thousand other activities at the mercy of unaccountable algorithmic filters. If you’re a European concerned about these proposals, here’s a tool for contacting your MEP.

Photo by ccPixs.com

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PeerTube, a free and federated video platform https://blog.p2pfoundation.net/peertube-a-free-and-federated-video-platform/2018/06/07 https://blog.p2pfoundation.net/peertube-a-free-and-federated-video-platform/2018/06/07#respond Thu, 07 Jun 2018 07:30:00 +0000 https://blog.p2pfoundation.net/?p=71282 Help our friends at Framasoft with their crowdfund and take back control of your videos! Pledge your donation here. What is Peer Tube? PeerTube is a practical answer to all video-tubes that centralize our data and attention. With it, videos can be hosted by the people, with the people, for the people. PeerTube is a... Continue reading

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Help our friends at Framasoft with their crowdfund and take back control of your videos! Pledge your donation here.

What is Peer Tube?

PeerTube is a practical answer to all video-tubes that centralize our data and attention. With it, videos can be hosted by the people, with the people, for the people.

PeerTube is a software anyone can install on a server, to get a data-friendly video-hosting platform, called a PeerTube Instance. PeerTube combines:

○ A free-libre license, that guarantees code transparency and legally allows you to use and contribute to the software;

○ A federation system, to widen the audience of the videos you host by syncing your instance with the ones you choose to (within the federation);

○ Peer-to-peer streaming, to make streaming resilient and fast  when a video goes viral.

Today, it works…

In November 2017, we raised donations from our French-speaking audience to help us finance PeerTube development and test PeerTube on a large scale.

Last march, we released PeerTube in public beta! Medias, collectives, video-makers and even cities… people already made more than a hundred PeerTube instances hosting more than 7500 videos!

You can go and see by yourself the JoinPeertube website, a list of all the existing instances, the software source code… and even watch some videos on Framatube, our PeerTube instance!

…tomorrow, it’ll be great!

Now, PeerTube both needs to come out of its French-speaking shell and lacks key features to become a practical alternative to data-centralizing video platforms. This is where you come in.

Why fund it? To have a real alternative

Let’s learn from the past mistakes… Today’s video-platforms, such as Google’s YouTube, Facebook Videos or Vimeo:

○ Have a non-transparent closed-source code. No one but their NDA-binded employees can go “under the hood” to watch out for non-ethical code;

○ Centralize our data and attention. Their advertisement-based economic model can only be fed by our privacy.

○ Imply huge technical infrastructures. Their centralized video-hosting model can only be sustained by big companies. That’s how they get to impose us their terms and conditions.

PeerTube is already (and legally) all yours!

We are not making our video-platform: we are creating a tool for anyone to make their own! The Free-Libre software licence attached to PeerTube is a legally-biding open contract.  It allows anyone to use, study, adapt and contribute to PeerTube.

PeerTube gives you (or your community) the opportunity to host your own video-tube. You can emancipate yourself from data-centralizing and attention-craving platforms, without becoming another isolated video-website lost on the web.

If you host, you rule: PeerTube Instances hosters can choose their own terms and conditions, moderation management, federations settings (what other PeerTube instances you choose to follow), etc. But remember: with great power comes great responsibilities!

If we have proven that PeerTube works fine, it still needs to grow into its full potential.

Find out more in the campaign page.

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Team Human: Kyra D. Gaunt Phd on Full Spectrum Humanity https://blog.p2pfoundation.net/team-human-kyra-d-gaunt-phd-on-full-spectrum-humanity/2016/12/18 https://blog.p2pfoundation.net/team-human-kyra-d-gaunt-phd-on-full-spectrum-humanity/2016/12/18#respond Sun, 18 Dec 2016 11:30:00 +0000 https://blog.p2pfoundation.net/?p=62202 http://teamhuman.fm/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/TH-Ep.13-Kyra-Gaunt.mp3   Playing for Team Human is author, activist, ethnomusicologist and singer Kyra Gaunt Ph.D. Kyra’s research on the harassment of young women and people of color has recently focused on the YouTube phenomenon of twerking videos and trolling. In today’s episode Kyra and Douglas talk about invisible audiences and their effect on social media... Continue reading

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http://teamhuman.fm/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/TH-Ep.13-Kyra-Gaunt.mp3

 

Playing for Team Human is author, activist, ethnomusicologist and singer Kyra Gaunt Ph.D. Kyra’s research on the harassment of young women and people of color has recently focused on the YouTube phenomenon of twerking videos and trolling. In today’s episode Kyra and Douglas talk about invisible audiences and their effect on social media interaction. Kyra warns how persistent media disproportionately stigmatizes marginalized communities. She offers strategies to reclaim “full spectrum humanity,” both on and off-line, celebrating the nuance and complexity of identity formation in safe spaces.

Learn more about Kyra and follow her work at kyraocity.wordpress.com 

and visit Kyra’s TED profile.

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The Gatekeepers Aren’t Gone: How Viral Content and Big Business Coerce P2P https://blog.p2pfoundation.net/gatekeepers-arent-gone/2016/07/15 https://blog.p2pfoundation.net/gatekeepers-arent-gone/2016/07/15#respond Fri, 15 Jul 2016 09:52:08 +0000 https://blog.p2pfoundation.net/?p=57898 Viral content seems democratic. But it’s still mostly controlled by big media companies Marta Figlerowicz, writing for Jacobin, lays out the duplicitous realities of Netarchical Capitalism… The first YouTube video went live in 2005. The following year, the site began seeing its first viral hits. Judson Laipply’s “Evolution of Dance,” posted in 2006, reached seventy... Continue reading

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Viral content seems democratic. But it’s still mostly controlled by big media companies

, writing for Jacobin, lays out the duplicitous realities of Netarchical Capitalism…

The first YouTube video went live in 2005. The following year, the site began seeing its first viral hits.

Judson Laipply’s “Evolution of Dance,” posted in 2006, reached seventy million views in about eight months. Justin Bieber started uploading videos of his performances in 2007, and within a year he was an Internet star.

Laipply’s and Bieber’s successes seemed extraordinary and astonishingly fast at the time. But the pace and frequency of such viral rises only continued to increase. In April 2010, Greyson Chance became YouTube famous less than a week after posting a cover of Lady Gaga’s “Paparazzi.” Three months later, Yosemitebear’s “Yosemite Mountain Double Rainbow 1-8-10” video blog entry skyrocketed to prominence just as rapidly as the Gregory Brothers’ auto-tuned “Double Rainbow” song.

The subsequent years have provided abundant evidence that our communication paths are becoming even more networked and seamless. We’ve reached a point where anything — not just a song, but any kind of cultural production, including a tweet — can go impossibly, massively viral. Seemingly random online events can attract global attention within days, or even hours, of being posted.

These episodes of sudden ubiquity have sparked dreams of an alternative, more democratic aesthetics. And at first glance, virality might seem like an equalizing, socially subversive phenomenon — a way for the online masses to choose their stars directly, circumventing the traditional gatekeepers and tastemakers.

In 2012, writing in a special issue of Women’s Studies Quarterly on virality, Christine Bacareza Balance hailed the rise of Asian-American YouTube stars as part of a new, grassroots aesthetic movement in which the disadvantaged and the marginalized were finally getting the chance to speak directly to crowds. Similarly, Karine Nahon and Jeff Hemsley speculate in their 2013 book Going Viral that virality might offer observers an extraordinarily clear picture of current social norms and interests.

But a closer look reveals a grimmer reality. Virality is not really a democratic, participatory phenomenon. Instead, it is shaped by the extreme inequalities that the digitally enhanced capitalist market creates. Indeed, one might describe virality as our most immediate, everyday model for what it’s like to live among the 99 percent.

The apparent contingency and grassroots origins of viral events are something of an illusion. Ordinary people on the Internet aren’t usually the ones who make an event go viral. Major sites, like BuzzFeed or the New York Times, or already-popular figures, like Kanye West or Donald Trump, more regularly trigger the process. In fact, as Sharad Goel and his collaborators argue, performers backed by powerful broadcasters and celebrities are the only ones statistically likely to go viral.

Goel and his colleagues distinguish between two kinds of “popular” (i.e. massively shared) online events: those originating from very large broadcasts, and those originating from a huge number of individual acts of social sharing.

The former — for example, a post on the New York Times website, a BuzzFeed listicle, or a Twitter comment made by Beyoncé — bear a strong resemblance to the mass media model that prevailed from the sixties to the nineties; the latter — for instance, the average Jane Doe bringing something to the attention of the John Does on her mailing list — has the feel of a bottom-up movement and is more associated with the term “virality.”

Yet as Goel shows, the Internet’s giant broadcasters — its version of the mass media — are overwhelming the ones that make an online event stand out. The vast majority of the episodes we describe as “viral” have preexisting online celebrities and major news sources to thank. Indeed, being picked up by one of these network hubs is the only reliable predictor of mass online recognition.

In addition to these oligarchic drivers, going viral is extremely rare in statistical terms. Networked dissemination obeys what mathematicians call a “power law.” The vast majority of online content — more than 99 percent of it — inevitably spreads among only a handful of users. But given the structure of our online networks, it is also almost statistically inevitable that a very small percentage of content will shoot around the globe, reaching a vast audience in little time at all.

While the number of viral events continues to increase, the chance that any single video or meme will take off has not substantially increased. What has expanded is the number of Internet users trying to attain viral status.

As Goel and his coauthors report, “even moderately popular events occur in our data at a rate of only about one in a thousand, whereas ‘viral hits’ appear at a rate closer to one in a million.” By contrast, “the vast majority of [sharing] cascades — over 99 percent — are tiny and terminate within a single generation.”

This distribution pattern seems relatively constant no matter how large the network. A huge gap separates the 999,999 posts that nobody re-shares and the one that gets apparently boundless airtime.

In this sense, the few artists or performers who manage to go viral are less a grassroots cultural movement and more an unwitting 0.01 percent. They are the tiny minority whose exorbitant, disproportionate success overshadows the innumerable artists and performers who do not receive — and can never really hope to receive — such exposure.

Unsurprisingly, the difference in remuneration between the less networked artists and performers and those backed by broadcasters is stark. For most artists, online distribution of creative content does not bring in much money, even if one of their songs manages to garner the coveted thousands or millions of views.

Data journalist David McCandless reports in a series of infographics re-published last year in the Guardian that a signed solo artist needs to sell 457 CDs per month to earn the US minimum wage. Online, sales must be higher: 450 or so CDs equals 1,826 downloads on iTunes or 5,478 on Amazon. Streaming services pay even less. To earn a living wage, an artist must net 172,206 plays on Google Play, 666,158 on Rhapsody, 1,117,021 on Spotify, or 4,200,000 on YouTube. This is actually an improvement from McCandless’s 2010 figures. But the numbers are still sobering.

Few artists other than expensively produced, well-advertised stars achieve this kind of download and play rate. Even the most popular singles by recognizable alt-pop bands — say, Chairlift, Matrimony, or Beach House — typically take one or two years to reach a total of forty or fifty million YouTube views. The Internet simply isn’t enough. Online success must be parlayed into a concert tour, an advertising gig, or a contract with a major label before musicians see a healthy jump in their income.

That’s not to say that nobody is making money from mass online dissemination — quite the opposite. Despite the relative unpopularity of most of their content, companies like Amazon and iTunes generate a disproportionate share of their profits from what Chris Anderson has called “the long tail” — songs, books, and other products that only find small, niche audiences.

Consumers value the seemingly unending array of content Amazon and others can offer, and firms are rewarded handsomely. Artists in “the long tail,” meanwhile, don’t make anything close to a living wage.

In addition, as Astra Taylor notes in The People’s Platform, artists who post their work online (especially to open-access sites) often risk losing copyright control over their art altogether: those who copy or re-embed creative content often do not credit — let alone compensate — the original author. Instead of fledgling artists rising on the shoulders of empowered consumers, the contemporary viral-centric paradigm further calcifies the economy’s deep inequalities.

One relatively recent attempt to think about virality in this fashion is the 2013 film 20 Feet From Stardom. The documentary follows a number of predominantly black and female backup singers who worked for mostly male and white pop stars from the eighties onwards. The women interviewed sang with Mick Jagger, David Bowie, Michael Jackson, and Joe Cocker; they also sometimes dubbed white female stars.

But none of them went on to attain star status. They see the documentary as a final chance to achieve appreciation and recognition. This hope is slowly corroded by the fatalistic gaze the film turns on the Internet — through which the youngest of these singers, Judith Hill, has just briefly become a viral celebrity.

Hill was one of Michael Jackson’s backup singers until his death in June 2009. Shortly before the documentary was shot, her cover of one of Jackson’s songs exploded on YouTube, garnering millions of views within days. Repeatedly set against her predecessors, Hill at first appears to be a figure of hope for a more democratic music industry. But after her sudden spike in popularity, Hill fails to immediately receive a solo offer. (The one she does obtain a few years after the documentary immediately gets embroiled in its own Internet-derived controversies.) In the end, none of her own songs achieve the same prominence as her hit cover.

Despite her lack of independent success, Hill soon finds that her online fans criticize her if they see her doing backup work again. She goes so far as to wear a wig while singing backup, but after discovering her ruse, her fans shame her. As the film follows Hill walking around New York or practicing a refrain, it is unable to either account for her brief spurt of fame or her frustrating fall.

In the end, rather than embodying an alternative to the undemocratic status quo, Hill’s story exemplifies the unequal dynamics of an older musical economy — and shows how contemporary online culture has intensified them.

Contrary to what many seemingly scientific self-help books want us to believe, we can do very little to ensure that our artistic contributions will attract a large following. Already-established celebrities and organizations overwhelmingly make these decisions, not ordinary content creators. Indeed, virality shows that equal distributions of attention are an ideal that is very easily abandoned in our contemporary public sphere, extremely open as it might appear to be to any and all forms of self-expression.


Image by Loowgreen / Flickr.

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