The Catalan Integral Cooperative (CIC, pronounced “seek”) is surely one of the more audacious commons-based innovations to have emerged in the past five years.  It is notable for providing a legal and financial superstructure that is helping to support a wide variety of smaller self-organized commons.  Some of us are calling this proto-form an “omni-commons,” inspired by the example of the Omni Commons in Oakland.

CIC is smart, resourceful, socially committed and politically sophisticated.  It has bravely criticized the Spanish government’s behavior in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis, which has included massive bank bailouts, foreclosures on millions of homes, draconian cutbacks in social services, a lack of transparency in policymaking.  CIC regards all of this as evidence that the state is no longer willing to honor its social contract with citizens.  Accordingly, it has called for civil disobedience to unjust laws and is doing everything it can to establish its own social order with a more humane logic and ethic.

Journalist Nathan Schneider provides a fascinating, well-reported profile of CIC in the April issue of Vice magazine. The piece focuses heavily on the role of the visionary activist Enric Duran, who in 2008 borrowed $500,000 from banks, and then he gave the money away to various activist projects. Despite being on the run from Spanish prosecutors, Duran went on to launch CIC in early 2010 with others.

His avowed goal is to build a new economy from the ground up.  CIC is a fascinating model because it provides a legal and financial framework for supporting a diverse network of independent workers who trade with and support each other.  This is allowing participants to develop some massive social and economic synergies among CIC’s many enterprises, which include a restaurant, hostel, wellness center, Bitcoin ATM, library, among hundreds of others.

As Schneider writes:

At last count, the CIC consisted of 674 different projects spread across Catalonia, with 954 people working on them. The CIC provides these projects a legal umbrella, as far as taxes and incorporation are concerned, and their members trade with one another using their own social currency, called ecos. They share health workers, legal experts, software developers, scientists, and babysitters. They finance one another with the CIC’s $438,000 annual budget, a crowdfunding platform, and an interest-free investment bank called Casx. (In Catalan, x makes an sh sound.) To be part of the CIC, projects need to be managed by consensus and to follow certain basic principles like transparency and sustainability. Once the assembly admits a new project, its income runs through the CIC accounting office, where a portion goes toward funding the shared infrastructure. Any participant can benefit from the services and help decide how the common pool is used.

CIC members can choose to live in CIC-associated apartments in Barcelona or at a farming commune called Lung Ta, or at Calafou, a “postcapitalist ecoindustrial colony” in the ruins of a century-old factory town that Duran and a few others bought. In a country where the unemployment rate is more than 20 percent for the general population and more than 50 percent for people under 25 years old, the CIC enterprise is not just some wild, half-baked scheme. It’s a system for surviving the vise of neoliberal politics and economic policy.  CIC helps people build their own livelihoods in a socially supportive context – something that the state is notably incapable of doing.

In a play on the famous Gandhi line, Schneider summarizes CIC’s self-styled mission as aspiring to “Be the Bank that You Want to See in the World.”  It is inventing radically new types of finance and exchange to emancipate its members from dependency upon a predatory capitalism and an unreliable state. For example, CIC is developing a global digital currency FairCoin that is adapating Bitcoin-style technology to serve more socially constructive types of exchange.

In a short blog post, it is hard to do justice to the daring ambition and innovation coming out of CIC, so read the full article.  Let the following excerpt about CIC’s backoffice financial sophistication serve as a teaser.  Schneider writes:

Accounting takes place both in euros and in ecos, the CIC’s native currency. Ecos are not a high-tech cryptocurrency like Bitcoin but a simple mutual-credit network. While the idea for Bitcoin is to consign transactions entirely to software, bypassing the perceived risk of trusting central authorities and flawed human beings, ecos depend on a community of people who trust one another fully. Anybody with one of the more than 2,200 accounts can log in to the web interface of the Community Exchange System, see everyone else’s balances, and transfer ecos from one account to another. The measure of wealth, too, is upside down. It’s not frowned upon to have a low balance or to be a bit in debt; the trouble is when someone’s balance ventures too far from zero in either direction and stays there. Because interest is nonexistent, having lots of ecos sitting around won’t do any good. Creditworthiness in the system comes not from accumulating but from use and achieving a balance of contribution and consumption.

The idea was to help people out and radicalize them at the same time. The rich use tax loopholes to secure their dominance; now anticapitalists could do the same.

The CIC’s answer to the Federal Reserve is the Social Currency Monitoring Commission, whose job it is to contact members not making many transactions and to help them figure out how they can meet more of their needs within the system. If someone wants pants, say, and she can’t buy any in ecos nearby, she can try to persuade a local tailor to accept them. But the tailor, in turn, will accept ecos only to the extent that he, too, can get something he needs with ecos. It’s a process of assembling an economy like a puzzle. The currency is not just a medium of exchange; it’s a measure of the CIC’s independence from capitalism.

The full Vice article can be read here.

Originally published in bollier.org

The post Excellent Profile of Enric Duran and Catalan Integral Cooperative appeared first on P2P Foundation.

Reposted from our new Commons Transition web platform “Commoners in Transition” features exclusive global-P2P oriented interviews with people working on similar subjects, worldwide.

Here we present a Commons Transition interview with Enric Duran. Prior to co-founding the Catalan Integral Cooperative — a Commons Transition partner project creating a cooperative, self managed public system in Catalonia — Duran became famous for his 2008 “bank action”, an act which involved defrauding 39 Spanish banks of nearly €500,000 and subsequently distributing these funds to a variety of activist movements and social causes. He presently lives as a fugitive outside Spain, and is currently busy organizing the FairCoop Open Cooperative, a community-built effort to alleviate global economic inequalities through the use of mutual credit, reputation systems and cryptocurrencies.

FairCoop’s “Coop Forest”

Regarding Commons Transition, the first question is, can you define Commons Transition, and what it means to you?

Well, for me, when we are talking about transition and developing commons, what we are talking about is moving away from a capitalist economy based on private incomes and private profits, to a new kind of economy, where the main focus is the commons.

Do you see some existing examples of Commons Transition today?

There are more and more examples of commons resources. Free knowledge is a commons and it’s expanding; every day there are more and more tools for this. But what’s more difficult is to organize as a whole system or way of living related to the commons, no? This is not yet so widespread, perhaps because these commons are being created as volunteer work by people, or with some kind of specific funding, but not connected as a systemic whole.

You are one of the co-founders of the CIC, the Catalan Integral Cooperative. Can you tell us a little bit about the CIC, and in what ways it already embodies Commons Transitions, and how it will continue to do so in the future?

Yes, the Catalan Integral Cooperative is a transition movement to build an autonomous system of organizing our lives, outside of the government and capitalism, and in that sense it is building not only alternative economics but also alternative politics and alternative public spaces. It’s already working on building commons as a central priority of different actions, yet it’s not so connected to other global commons that are being created. So, one step for the future is to connect this local and regional work to the global, world-related commons.

Why do you think it’s important to carry out this work outside of government?

Well, there are a lot of things that are important. It’s important to put together people with knowledge, people who are skilled, to do what needs to be done. Also, economic resources are needed in order to share these things for the commons, and not for private profit. It needs to be done in a sustainable way, so that it won’t be broken after beginning a broad process. We need to have sustainable ways of funding and making it all possible.

Image by Gladys G. Afán

How realistic is a Commons Transition at the local, national, and global levels?

It’s realistic when we start to do it – it’s not about theoretical propositions, you know? It’s about doing real actions, and at all of these levels there are already different initiatives – at some levels, a lot – that are in process. What we really need, I think, is to put all of these existing things in a framework, structured in a way that they can be recognized and understood together as a systemic, commons creation, not only as isolated projects.

What practical steps, both at the personal and collective levels, can we take to enable Commons Transition?

Hm. One of the practical priorities could be to create general layers – general in their interconnections – that make it possible to decentralize an autonomous initiative so it could be connected at the practical level. This is, basically, a technical infrastructure job, but it also means combining ways of thinking and acting that make these things happen. It’s not only about every network doing things for their internal needs, but also for some of these people to be doing things with the vision of the whole system that can be created, related to the commons. We also need to create ways to invest in related commons, in making the projects possible, and in a way that’s sustainable for all parts involved, to make it possible in the long-term – because other ways of funding related to private profit are still more widespread, but we really need to do a lot of work on funding the peer-to-peer, commons society.

So, imagine that we achieve a commons-based society, or, a first example of one. What do you think could be the risks, what should we be on the lookout for?

Well, if we achieve this, I don’t see any risk – this is what we are going to enjoy, really, making this happen. The risks are in the ways we try to do it. One risk could be if we weren’t able to put together different related initiatives that can be duplicated…and so, really, to not be able to work together with people that have the same focus and the same goals.

Enric Duran and Nuria Güell during the 15-M occupation of Plaça Catalunya, Barcelona. Image by Zoraida Roselló

How can the commons movement defend itself from hostile outside pressures?

I think that when we focus on creating peer-to-peer based commons production, with a project that has the possibility of being globally useful, what is important is to create a plan to make this for everyone, and not only as an experiment, or as a minority action. Because sometimes people that are, perhaps, trying to do things for the commons come up with experiments, theories, ideas, but then later, a private company… because they’re not going to do all the work…later, a private company does this in a private, for-profit world. So we need to be more ambitious at this level. We know we have good ideas and we know that this can work. We must also try to make the economic plan and decentralized cooperative plan to make it happen with our values. If we make it happen with our values, others can do their projects but we will already be there with these big projects.

Where do you see a Commons Transition taking place?

I see that this is working at the global level. I can also see this in different movements, like for many years in the free software movement and now, the maker movement. And also there are more grassroots movements related to housing that are working in an ecological way for the commons…but in some instances, we are more autonomous and we’re making a transition, and perhaps at other times it’s more of a fight to defend against private powers.

Could you give us a concrete example where a commons-based dynamic would solve a present day problem?

One of the challenges that we have in this process is how to create distributed systems of organization that work, not only technology-based, but human-based. And these human-based projects are very important, because without these we run the risk of moving from central government or money-based governments to full technological dependency. So, one interesting bit of commons-related work which is applies to a lot of initiatives is a commons-based reputation system. I see this as a human-based way to create and maintain distributed projects related to commons, so it’s not only technological nodes that maintain networks, but human-based, and our ability to do it together depends on our human values.

I love that. Okay, so let’s talk about the CIC and FairCoop as related but different things. How did they each relate to Commons Transition and what are the differences between the CIC, FairCoop, and Commons Transition?

Well, regarding the CIC, I think that the first four years have been very focused on the local and regional levels and not so much on the global. That’s okay for the physical network of people and connections that we have in Catalonia, but at another level it’s not so okay – at the level of sharing technological tools and knowledge tools with people that are on the same path around the world. So, one of the things I see as important for the CIC is to take in the vision and the knowledge of other people working on the same things, and also to share better, or in easier ways, ideas about things that could work from the CIC to others – to share both ways.

What about FairCoop?

Well, FairCoop, as a more recent initiative created with a direct connection to the commons movement, has had a focus on the commons and the global from the very beginning, and that complements the work the CIC has already been doing. So FairCoop can cooperate with the commons by building or being involved with other groups also creating commons projects, as well as helping regional transitions happen around the commons by connecting them through this global initiative.

What do you think of the concept of the partner state, do you think it’s possible that with new initiatives like Podemos or Syriza, something like this may happen? Or do you think it will be a totally grassroots, bottom-up process through initiatives like the CIC…or, maybe a combination halfway point between both?

I don’t see the states becoming partners at the levels of innovation because they are working for the majorities, they are working for success. Sometimes they are populist, and what is populist is not so innovative, because people don’t understand it. So, at this level, these innovations are going to be autonomous; sometimes we are working in a commons-based way and at other times, in private enterprise, in order to be innovative. But after this, it depends if we are going to expand, if we’re going to achieve more mass at some point – if we can have more relationships, but I think this is still very far off. So I don’t see…perhaps at the level of research in universities things are working, but that doesn’t really have any direct relation with the government, it’s related to public funds but not really with how the government is. And to have more direct relationships and to think about public in the hands of the government, political relations to the commons, perhaps we will need bigger success stories at the global level with the commons, no? Perhaps before, we will need some kind of Facebook or Twitter or more kinds of Wikipedias – although Wikipedia is a commons – in different sectors, not only knowledge but also economics, that are successful and create change.

Back to the CIC and its adoption of the Commons Transition Plan, what led the CIC to incorporate the plan and in what way it is being modified?

We’ve seen the Commons Transition Plan work done in Ecuador with the role of the partner state. Because we’re not thinking of this kind of relationship with government, one of the main changes was to eliminate this partner state and to see this as a creation of autonomous institutions that can work at the local and regional level as well as in relation to other regional or global institutions around the world that can help. So we are thinking here, perhaps part of the process of the CIC could be…to be not only physical assemblies based on physical consensus, but also to have some of the tools more distributed in a way that could be more easily extended to people that are not organized politically, but people that want to change their way of living but for different motives; maybe they are not so political, or, so involved in being in assemblies. That is one of the problems we have with the CIC, there is a big difference today between the people who go to assemblies and people that only use the services.

Why was the Commons Transition Plan chosen?

I think the values in this plan are very close to the values of the CIC. We also saw that the main ideas are related to the self-management and self-organization that the CIC supports. For this reason, the work is very connected; we can benefit from it and adapt and enrich it with our work. It was also a good excuse to make this connection with the P2P Foundation and to see how from a grassroots level, from the bottom up we can make this kind of process possible.

What are the next steps both for the CIC’s adoption of the Commons Transition Plan, and the ongoing relationship with the P2P Foundation?

I think that the short term steps are to decide on how to work the collaboration, what are we going to do when we are working together on the Catalan situation. Next steps will be organizing this work: how we are going to research, how to start having discussions and reaching conclusions at some point about the roadmap we can create for this Commons Transition Plan.

Now, back to FairCoop, how is it promoting the principles of Commons Transition with its member projects?

I think, informally, there is support at the level of sharing information and knowledge related to Commons Transition, but right now the main focus is not yet on this sharing and extension, because we need to focus on building and identifying the best tools and projects for this Commons Transition. So what we’re doing now is choosing and prioritizing projects to work with. What is especially interesting here are projects that can be transversal to a lot of decentralized and open projects that can use this infrastructure we want to build.

Anything else you’d like to add?

Thank you for making this Commons Transition website, and we will try and help to keep it up-to-date.

Certainly, it’s a deal!

The post Commoners in Transition: Enric Duran appeared first on P2P Foundation.

The General Assembly of the Catalan Integral Cooperative has confirmed a proposed partnership with the P2P Foundation.

This is an important development for several reasons.

First, the Catalan Integral Cooperative is the first new type of cooperative that is entirely in line with the idea for a new type of coops engaged in the co-production of the commons, and, after themselves already embodying these ideas before we formulated them in our recent appeal, they are committed to continue and pioneer the path of open cooperativism.

Second, the CIC fully endorses the Commons Transition Plan that was formulated in connection with the floksociety.org project in Ecuador. The FLOK experience was important in that it was a historical first for such ideas to be endorsed at a nation-state level, but also because that cooperation with a government brings its own type of challenges. How to transition towards partner state practices with a state that is not a partner state itself ?

The experience in Catalonia promises to be very different. While the CIC endorses the Commons Transition Plan as its own development plan and roadmap, of course to be adapted and concretized to their own needs, it wants to apply the proposals for the commonification of public services and the partner state, not at the state level, but at the civic level. So the aim here is to directly create civic institutions which can, within or outside of the CIC, carry out the same support functions and enable the further expansion of the commons economy, in particular to stimulate p2p-based production and manufacturing, which the CIC itself is already pioneering. If successful, we may well have a adaptable/changeable but also largely replicable model that could be used in other regions of the world as well, because it will have been the experience where different pieces of successful DNA have come together in a working model.

Here is the announcement of the CIC, translated from Catalan and Spanish:

“CIC and P2pfoundation strategic partners”

It’s been a while now since some people in the CIC took the initiative to start collaborating with the P2P Foundation after certifying our common goals. Indeed, the Permanent Assembly of July 27 approved supporting this line of strategic partnership between CIC and P2P Foundation.

In fact, the P2P Foundation itself (a foundation for the peer-to-peer alternatives), has already expressed the need to partner strategically. You can find more information about the purpose of the P2P Foundation on its website.

Amongst it’s priorities, the P2P Foundation includes the promotion of open cooperativism, as explained in this article. In this sense the CIC appears as one of the ongoing initiatives with most affinity to these principles of open cooperativism, and for both organizations it seems important to keep on developing it and make it known.

Another priority of the P2P Foundation, and one of the areas where they have developed more research, is to generate transitions towards open production processes related to knowledge and towards a social, common goods economy. In this sense, they have been collaborating with Flok Society, a project financed by the government of Ecuador, for which the following document was composed.

From the core work group of the CIC in this area we have suggested that they collaborate with us to tailor a plan of this type for the development of CIC in the following 5-10 years. The objective is not as a theoretical approximation, but to contribute towards identifying and developing key strategic projects that might enable the production of tangible and intangible commons to become one of the reference characteristics of the CIC’s approach to production.

The P2P Foundation has responded enthusiastically to the proposal, amongst other reasons because they will bring their experience and knowledge to a grassroots initiative like ours. We are already beginning to form a joint working group so as to get started with our work. Michel Bauwens, the P2P foundation’s co-founder, expressed his intention to find funding for this project through several independent European foundations.

In addition to these initiatives, as strategic partners, new ways for collaboration will most certainly appear in the future.”

The post Towards a first stateless commons transition plan: a partnership of P2P-F with the Catalan Integral Cooperative appeared first on P2P Foundation.

Image by Olmo Calvo

Here’s a great article, extracted from Shareable and penned by David M. Gross on a very different concept of what a true sharing economy looks like, compared to the work of more mainstream proponents in the field. If you’d like to know more about Enric Duran and CIC from a P2P point of view, don’t miss his recent interview with Michel Bauwens, Neal Gorenflo and John Restakis.

Spanish war tax resisters and activists from the 15-M, or indignados, movement (the Spanish version of “Occupy”) have joined forces to organize a sharing economy network and to nourish it with redirected taxes.

How this came about is an interesting story, and though their project is decidedly edgier and more confrontational than most of what goes on under the sharing economy umbrella, we can learn a lot from what they have accomplished.

When the financial crisis hit Spain, the banking and finance industry rushed to the government for bailouts, just like they did in the U.S. But Spain went further, abruptly amending its Constitution to make debt payments to these financiers the government’s “absolute priority”?—?higher than any other budget item?—?and to mandate austerity budgets that cut funding for social services.

Meanwhile, Enric Durán carried out a daring bank robbery. He took out loans from 39 different Spanish banks, under false pretenses, and then fled with the money?—?nearly half a million euros. He put the bulk of it into a variety of anti-capitalist activist projects, and publicized the action as his attempt to fight back against the banking system’s hijacking of the Spanish economy.

Núria Güell, Enric Duran at Occupy Barcelona, Photo credit: Zaradat

Among the projects this Robin Hood funded was one called Derecho de Rebelion (Right of Rebellion). It was launched shortly after the Constitution was amended?—?something the project characterized as a coup “dictated by international capital and enacted behind the backs of the people.”

Derecho de Rebelion encourages the people of Spain to withdraw their allegiance from this delegitimized government and instead “declare ourselves citizens of the popular assemblies and the assemblies of post-capitalist projects in which we participate”:

We pledge to do everything in our power to construct a new, popular force that enables a new society where decisions will be actually realized by the people.
…we commit ourselves to begin and extend an action of complete tax resistance against the Spanish state and those who control it… we will not pay their debts, because we do not recognize this constitution. Tax resistance serves to fund the popular assemblies, and from these, gives “absolute priority” to participatory funding of the resources that we really consider public.
Because the situation that we are experiencing in Spain is common to many countries worldwide, and because the ruling economic powers are global, we encourage people around the world to assert their right of rebellion by means of manifestos like this.

— Manifesto of a New Rebel Dignity

This manifesto came out as the first Occupy Wall Street demonstrations were beginning. The following Spring they published half a million copies of a tabloid called ¡Rebelaos! (“Revolt!”). It recommended methods that had been developed by the war tax resistance movement in Spain, with a couple of modifications:

1. They advised people to resist not just taxes for military spending but also for other items in the federal budget, such as payments on the debt, the salaries of legislators, the church, the prisons, the police, and the monarchy?—?totaling roughly 25% of the tax bill (though in other places they advocated “total” tax resistance).
2. They asked people to redirect their resisted taxes into their local Occupy-style popular assemblies or into projects launched through these assemblies.

The tax resistance advice in ¡Rebelaos! was mixed with other ideas for societal transformation: organizing worker-run cooperatives, creating grassroots job centers, squatting in unused buildings and resettling abandoned villages, operating self-managed healthcare cooperatives, running popular assemblies, and other things of that nature.

With the advice of veteran Spanish war tax resisters like Arcadi Oliveres, the group began work on a crowd-funded tax resisters’ handbook. They also opened what they called “offices of economic disobedience” in Madrid, Barcelona, Castellón, and Zaragoza (the first four of what are now at least a dozen such offices), where they counsel prospective resisters on how to resist the income tax and VAT and how to set up self-managed businesses and cooperatives.

Cooperativa Integral Catalunya in Barcelona

They also remained active in the 15-M assemblies and began to link up various sharing economy projects?—?cooperatives, community gardens, free stores, food banks, alternative currencies, debtors’ unions, credit cooperatives, barter networks, housing co-ops, tool libraries, off-the-grid small-scale energy generators, soup kitchens, squats, activist affinity groups, popular assemblies, and the like?—?hoping that by connecting the people in these projects into local, self-managed networks, they could bypass the government/financial intermediaries in the economy. They coined the term “Desobediencia Integral” (Comprehensive Disobedience) for this strategy:

Comprehensive Disobedience involves breaking the social contract with the State of a territory where one lives, in order to bring into being a new social contract in a community with which the individual is really linked.

The second edition of the movement’s Handbook of Economic Disobedience expands on this theme. It highlights tax resistance and gives practical advice on how to go about it, but it also puts tax resistance in the context of a much more comprehensive restructuring of personal and communal economic life that aims to help you take your resources away from big business, from the financial system, and from the government, and put those resources instead at the service of people in your community by means of more personal, face-to-face gifts and exchanges in decentralized networks.

They acknowledge that this is going to be a long process, and that for some time people will have to operate in two worlds at once: the official economy where the rules and priorities are set by a privileged few for their own benefit, and the emerging one in which everyone participates on an equal basis.

Because Big Finance and Big Government are so tightly interlinked, the movement is augmenting tax resistance with resistance to mortgages and foreclosures, defaults on credit card debt, and personal bankruptcy as a tactic to make debts like these uncollectable – something like the Strike Debt! project in the U.S.

They are taking their money out of banks in favor of credit unions, new “ethical” banks, and microloan-style plans that fund alternative economy projects. In some cases they are leaving money behind entirely and moving to barter or alternative currencies or Local Exchange Trading Systems which further strengthen the alternative economic network and build ties between its members.

And they are experimenting with a variety of ways to use the laws and tools of the official economy to subversively build and strengthen the sharing economy. Corporate personhood? We can play that game too!

By participating in this network of experiments, by building new methods of production and exchange, and by redirecting their resources and their loyalty from the government to democratically-organized grassroots projects, together they are building a new economic system in which people are the highest priority.

How can those of us in the U.S. learn from Spain’s “comprehensive disobedience” model? Well, one thing we can do is to reach out to the American war tax resistance movement. They already have a long-standing tradition ofredirecting their taxes from the government to more worthwhile projects?—?it seems a natural fit for them to partner with the people who are developing the new sharing economy. It could be that all you need to do is extend a hand of friendship in order to find enthusiastic start-up capital for your subversive sharing economy innovation.

If you’re more daring, you might ask them for advice on how you and those around you can redirect your own tax dollars away from the politicians in Washington and into the projects whose benefits you have seen with your own two eyes. Tax resistance may be just as important a part of the new economy here as it is in Spain.

The post Occupying the Sharing Economy in Spain appeared first on P2P Foundation.

“In this documentary over twenty people who had so far remained silent explain how they lived the facts of which they had first hand knowledge before they became public, and recall the projects and initiatives in which those resources were allocated. The documentary has been released today, 6 months after the statement of the last 17 of September which said:

Today, taking into account that the Spanish legal system includes a law by which all crimes punished by less than 5 years of prison will go in to prescription five years after they happened, I can say that this action would not have been possible without the contribution of many people . Of paramount importance have been all the processes of consensus decision which allowed us to collectively choose how to use much of those funds and how to carry out the projects. Being aware of the origin of the money gave it a revolutionary political meaning with which we aim to develop alternatives to the established system which it would not have had if it had only been an individual action. Perhaps now, taking advantage of the time gone by, it’s be more feasible for other people to share how they experienced this action and about how those funds were allocated.

Answering that call, many people begun participating in a process which made it possible to share this documentary today, 5th anniversary of PODEM, and of my arrest at the University of Barcelona. Come Back is a collaboration between about 20 people, many thanks to all of them, those who were present and those who, for various reasons, couldn’t be.”

The post Video of the Day: “Come Back” – the Story of Enric Duran’s action and its aftermath appeared first on P2P Foundation.