Criminalizing the Informal Economy through Cost Plus Regulations

One of the key arguments in Kevin Carson’s landmark book on Organization Theory.

I find this argument addresses one of the elements of the dynamism and ‘industrious development’ of East Asia, where in many countries, these regulations either do not exist or are not applied vigorously enough to make any difference. In a country like Thailand, where I live, this gives nearly everyone a job with a living wage (or nearly so), though at the same time, wherever it is applied, it is impossible to protect higher living standards for any professions based on monopoly rents, making the system not attractive for any country where a professional middle class exist thanks to such protective regulations. It insures that there are many taxis, but none of the taxi drivers are able to make a good living because anyone can join their ranks, bringing any market prices down to the lowest possible level.

I will ask Kevin to address this question specifically.

Kevin Carson:

“The main function of zoning, licensing, local “health” regulations, etc., is to protect conventional, high-overhead businesses against competition from the informal and household sector.

Informal and household production is potentially revolutionary, because it follows a low-overhead business model of producing with “spare cycles” of ordinary capital goods most people already own anyway. If I operate a microbakery out of my home using my ordinary kitchen oven, or an unlicensed cab service using just my car and cell phone, or a home microbrewery or the like, the required capital outlays are almost nonexistent. So the minimum amount of business I need to carry overhead expenses is likewise almost nonexistent. I can afford to shift incrementally from wage labor to self-employment, and ride out periods of slow business in my home microbusiness, with virtually no risk at all.

All the regulations passed for the “public safety” have the primary effect of criminalizing this business model. They impose mandatory minimum levels of overhead, so that the only way to service the overhead is to engage in large-batch production. If I have to buy an industrial-sized oven, dishwasher, and fridge to sell pies, and get an expensive state license, then I can’t afford to enter the market unless I can do it on a large scale, and do so in confidence of finding enough business to employ me on a large scale.

Another good example is the effect of CPSIA on small apparel manufacturers. The normal business model of a small manufacturer is this: come up with a couple dozen or so designs, see which ones sell, and switch from one design to another in response to orders on a just-in-time basis. The CPSIA, by requiring expensive tests that cost hundreds of dollars for each separate product, criminalizes such small-batch production. The only way to stay in business is to produce in long enough runs to amortize the cost of the testing for each product. Again, either start out big or don’t even try.

Ditto attempts by licensed retailers to sic the state on food-buying clubs run out of people’s homes, etc.

On a national level, “intellectual property” [sic] law has the same effect. In publishing, music, and software, until the late 20th century the main structural basis for the large corporation’s existence was the enormous capital outlay (hundreds of thousands of dollars or more) required to enter the market. The desktop revolution has reduced the basic item of capital equipment needed to engage in production in these industries to a few hundred or thousand $$; and the network revolution made possible by the Internet not enables peer networks to organize production on an efficiency rivaling that of the big corporate producers, but reduces the marginal cost of reproduction to zero. So with the cost of physical capital required to enter the market approaching zero, artificial property rights are the main structural bulwark supporting the old corporate dinosaurs.

We live in what Paul Goodman called the “kingdom of cost-plus”: a society in which the vast majority of commodity prices consists of subsidized waste, mandated unnecessary overhead, and embedded rents on artificial property rights.”

2 Comments Criminalizing the Informal Economy through Cost Plus Regulations

  1. AvatarMichel Bauwens

    Kevin’s response to one of my own remarks, submitted by email:

    Michel Bauwens:

    > I find this argument addresses one of the elements of the dynamism of East
    > Asia, where in many countries, these regulations either do not exist or do
    > not apply. In a country like Thailand, where I live, this gives nearly
    > everyone a job with a living wage (or nearly so), though at the same time,
    > wherever it is applied, it is impossible to protect higher living standards
    > for any professions based on monopoly rents, making the system not
    > attractive for any country where a professional middle class exist thanks to
    > such protective regulations. It insures that there are many taxis, but none
    > of the taxi drivers are able to make a good living because anyone can join
    > their ranks, bringing any market prices down to the lowest possible level.

    Kevin Carson:

    Thanks, Michel.

    I don’t know enough about social and economic conditions in Thailand
    to analyze the situation there.

    But generally speaking, the elimination of occupational licensing and
    scaling back of zoning and “safety” codes would work best in synergy
    with a removal of similar constraints on subsistence production for
    home consumption, and on microproduction for a barter network
    organized as a community of producers.

    Everything I’ve said about removing licensing and regulation as an
    imposition of minimum overhead levels on microenterprise assumes that
    commercial microenterprise in the money economy would coexist with
    full freedom to produce in the household economy, or for informal
    exchange with other producers via barter networks.

    The primary context of all my discussions of low-overhead
    microenterprise is the general goal of removing barriers to direct
    production for use, and all barriers to free production for exchange
    in the social economy of networked producers. The general idea is to
    enable people to meet as many of their own needs as possible, and
    thereby to remove dependence on wage employment as much as possible.

    That would assume, in particular, a society in which small-scale
    ownership of housing and land predominates. In a society where most
    people are landless, urban proletarians living in shantytowns, the
    balance of power would be altered so that those engaged in
    microenterprise would be dependent on it as their primary source of
    sustenance, and selling their labor in a buyer’s market. My goal,
    rather, is a society in which 1) people meet as many of their needs as
    possible by producing for themselves or for barter using their own
    land and property, 2) sale of one’s services in the larger commercial
    economy is a source of discretionary, supplemental income, and 3)
    informal and household production provides a fulcrum for bargaining
    power so that people can hold out for the most advantageous terms in
    participating in the large money or wage economy.

    It’s a fairly common rule that if only one form of monopoly is
    eliminated, the remaining forms of monopoly will shift the overall
    bargaining power of classes so that the nominal elimination of
    monopoly is actually twisted to the advantage of those who retain
    possession of the remaining monopolies.

    Perhaps you can elaborate on how elimination of occupational licensing
    and the like fits in as part of an overall package deal in Thailand.

  2. AvatarZbigniew Lukasiak

    I feel really attracted to the vision of a barter, self sustaining society described above. But I am not so sure if the main purpose of the regulations is enforcing the monopoly – I would speculate that much more important for the state is that it enables efficient tax enforcement.

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