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  • The Economic Benefits of Localization

    photo of Michel Bauwens
    Michel Bauwens
    7th January 2009


    “Localization may describe production of goods nearer to end users to reduce environmental and other external costs of globalization.

    Relocalization” is “…a strategy to build societies based on the local production of food, energy and goods, and the local development of currency, governance and culture. The main goals of Relocalization are to increase community energy security, to strengthen local economies, and to dramatically improve environmental conditions and social equity.”

    Another way to consider localization is to see it as the shrinkage of distance between the point of production and the point of utilization or consumption. “It is the conversion of bits and bytes into material form as close as possible to where that form will be used. In contrast, globalization is the virtualization of experience, knowledge, and innovation so that intellectual property created can travel from anywhere to anywhere quickly, easily, at minimal cost.”

    Steve Bosserman sees Localization occuring in four key domains:

    1. affordable / green construction,
    2. 100-mile agricultural production,
    3. renewable / distributed energy generation
    4. community governance / capacity building.

    But an important question is: is such localization really more economically beneficial than the old model of centralized industrial production?

    Kevin Carson tackles this issue in his most recent essay, Industrial Policy: New Wine in Old Bottles, from which we have been quoting liberally the last few days.

    Today, we excerpt his discussion on the economic benefits of localization.

    Kevin Carson:

    Leopold Kohr, in the same vein, compared local economies to harbors in a storm in their insulation from the business cycle and its extreme fluctuations of price.

    Along the same lines, economic decentralization would make communities less vulnerable to economic blackmail on the current pattern: large corporations using the prospect of a new store or factory to induce a corporate welfare bidding war between communities. If the typical manufacturing firm were a factory of a few dozen workers or fewer serving a local market, rather than a large oligopoly firm serving a national market and pushing a product marketed around national brand identification, it would be a lot less feasible to pick up and move. That’s especially true, given the effect the elimination of transportation subsidies would have on a business model based on long distance distribution At the same time, if there were many small and medium-sized employers in manufacturing, instead of one big corporation colonizing a locality, people would be a lot more prone to say “good riddance!”

    Communities of locally owned small enterprises are much healthier economically than communities that are colonized by large, absentee-owned corporations. For example, a 1947 study compared two communities in California: one a community of small farms, and the other dominated by a few large agribusiness operations. The small farming community had higher living standards, more parks, more stores, and more civic, social and recreational organizations. (L. S. Stavrianos. The Promise of the Coming Dark Age (San Francisco: W. H. Freeman and Company, 1976), p. 41.)

    Bill McKibben made the same point in Deep Economy. Most money that’s spent buying stuff from a national corporation is quickly sucked out of the local economy, while money that’s spent at local businesses circulates repeatedly in the local economy and leaks much more slowly to the outside. According to a study in Vermont, substituting local production for only ten percent of imported food would create $376 million in new economic output, including $69 million in wages at over 3600 new jobs. A similar study in Britain found the multiplier effect of ten pounds spent at a local business benefited the local economy to the tune of 25 pounds, compared to only 14 for the same amount spent at a chain store.

    - The farmer buys a drink at the local pub; the pub owner gets a car tune-up at the local mechanic; the mechanic brings a shirt to the local tailor; the tailor buys some bread at the local bakery; the baker buys wheat for bread and fruit for muffins from the local farmer. When these businesses are not owned locally, money leaves the community at every transaction. (Bill McKibben, Deep Economy: The Wealth of Communities and the Durable Future (New York: Times Books, 2007), p. 165.)

    Second, it would drastically increase the bargaining power of labor. Since the rise of the factory system and large-scale wage employment, capital has depended on the ability to externalize many of its reproduction functions on the non-monetized informal and household economies, and on organic social institutions like the family which were outside the cash nexus.

    Historically, as Immanuel Wallerstein argued, capital has relied upon its superior bargaining power to set the boundary between the money and social economies to its own advantage. Its attitude toward the household and informal economies has been ambivalent. It is in the interest of the employer not to render the worker totally dependent on wage income, because without the ability to carry out some reproduction functions through the production of use value within the household subsistence economy, the worker will be “compelled to demand higher real wages….” (Immanuel Wallerstein and Joan Smith, “Households as an institution of the world-economy,” in Smith and Wallerstein, eds., Creating and Transforming Households: The constraints of the world-economy (Cambridge; New York; Oakleigh, Victoria; Paris: Cambridge University Press, 1992), p. 16. [3-23])

    On the other hand, too large a household meant that “the level of work output required to ensure survival was too low,” and “diminished pressure to enter the wage-labor market.” (Immanuel Wallerstein, “Household Structures and Labor-Force Formation in the Capitalist World Economy,” in Joan Smith, Immanuel Wallerstein, Hans-Dieter Evers, eds., Households and the World Economy (Beverly Hills, London, New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1984), p. 20.)

    The household economy has allowed to function to the extent that it bears reproduction costs that would otherwise have to be internalized in wages; but it has been suppressed (as in the Enclosures) when it threatens to increase in size and importance to the point of offering a basis for independence from wage labor.”

    Kevin Carson concludes:

    We are now experiencing a revolutionary shift in competitive advantage from wage labor to the informal economy, far beyond anything the propertied classes of two hundred years ago could have imagined in their worst nightmares. The rapid growth of technologies for home production in the twentieth century, based on small-scale electrically powered machinery and new forms of intensive cultivation, has radically altered the comparative efficiencies of large- and small-scale production. This was pointed out by Ralph Borsodi almost eighty years ago, but the potential of cheap desktop machine tools like the multi-machine shifts the balance even further.

    So the balance of forces between the two economies will not be anywhere near as uneven as the distribution of property rights might indicate. As labor is withdrawn from the corporate economy and makes efficient use of the productive resources available to it, we will move increasingly toward a society where most of what the average person consumes is produced in a network of self-employed or worker-owned production, and the owning classes are left with large tracts of empty land and understaffed factories that are almost useless to them because it’s so hard to hire labor at a profitable wage. At that point, the correlation of forces will have shifted until the corporate capitalists are islands in a cooperative sea–and their land and factories will be the last thing to fall, just like the U.S. Embassy in Saigon.

    We’re experiencing a singularity in which it is becoming impossible for capital to prevent a shift in the supply of an increasing proportion of the necessities of life from mass produced goods purchased with wages, to small-scale production in the informal and household sector. The upshot is likely to be something like Gupta’s “Unplugged” movement, in which the possibilities for low-cost, comfortable subsistence off the grid result in exactly the same situation, the fear of which motivated the propertied classes in carrying out the Enclosures: a situation in which the majority of people can take wage labor or leave it, if it takes it at all, the average person works only on his own terms when he needs supplemental income for luxury goods and the like, and (even if he considers supplemental income necessary in the long run for an optimal standard of living) can afford in the short run to quit work and live off his own resources for prolonged periods of time, while negotiating for employment on the most favorable terms. It will be a society in which workers, not employers, have the greater ability to walk away from the table. It will, in short, be the kind of society E. G. Wakefield lamented in the colonial world of cheap and abundant land: a society in which labor is hard to get on any terms, and almost impossible to hire at a low enough wage to produce significant profit.”

    Conversation: Add your Comment »

    Posted in: P2P Economics, P2P Theory, P2P-Localization | del.icio.us:The Economic Benefits of Localization digg:The Economic Benefits of Localization newsvine:The Economic Benefits of Localization

    Are current networked protests disaggregating the disaggregators?

    photo of Michel Bauwens
    Michel Bauwens
    7th January 2009


    Has “the rapid diffusion of information communication technology has had any statistically significant impact on anti-government protests in countries under repressive rule?”

    The answer from researcher Patrick Meier:

    (details of the study’s methodology and results are here)

    We found that both variables, Internet and mobile phones, were statistically significant, and negative, with the mobile phones coefficent being larger the Internet coefficient. This would suggest that mobile phones have more of a disruptive impact on repressive regimes.

    Evgeny Morozov gives interesting background to such studies, noting that alternative online media, such as Indymedia, did not play a large role during the recent protests (this statement contradicts however the eyewitness report we reproduced earlier on our blog).

    Evgeny writes:

    The most impressive of such networks- the Independent Media Center (or Indymedia)– sprang up in the wake of the Seattle anti-WTO protests of 1999, acquiring a cult status in the anti-globalization community overnight. Since then, Indymedia has been busy supplying their contributors with reporting equipment, organizing media trainings, and helping their stringers get their stories out to the general public. The years that followed - with a plenty of protest action around WTO and G8 summits - marked the renaissance of the alternative media.

    However, by 2008 the usefulness of such initiatives seems less obvious; what looked novel in 1999 looks unnecessarily centralized and hierarchical today. In the aftermath of the protests, many Greek bloggers and citizen journalists naturally fitted the live news sections of premier American and Europe TV stations, got a chance to tell their stories, didn’t need any special equipment but cellphones and laptops, and they certainly didn’t need yet another platform for documenting what they saw or what they thought - they all had their own blogs and Twitter accounts, to post to.

    With so much riot-related digital content generated elsewhere, the anti-globalization media faces oblivion and needs to find a new role. Curating all the numerous amateur photos, videos, and comments emerging from the riots would be one meaningful contribution they can make. Consider thousands of videos uploaded to YouTube, photos uploaded to Flickr, as well as blog and Twitter messages flying around the Web – it was virtually impossible for Greek and foreign observers alike to make sense of what was going on. And although Indymedia and several other anti-globalization outlets did try to aggregate some of this content at the outset of the riots, they attempts were short-lived, leaving the global public without the curator it needed so badly.”

    His conclusion is the following:

    In today’s ultra-networked world, an unaffiliated individual with a laptop and an Internet connection is often more influential and resourceful than an organization with a staff of twenty and a fax machine was only twenty years ago. This is a truly strange period of institutional change when an organization’s vast assets also look like its greatest liabilities.

    Conversation: Add your Comment »

    Posted in: P2P Politics | del.icio.us:Are current networked protests disaggregating the disaggregators? digg:Are current networked protests disaggregating the disaggregators? newsvine:Are current networked protests disaggregating the disaggregators?

    The peer production of the iPhone

    photo of Michel Bauwens
    Michel Bauwens
    6th January 2009


    We continue our presentation of Kevin Carson’s important essay on decentralized production.

    In our previous summary, Kevin argued that we are ready for a ‘distributed’ neotechnic era of organization of production, that this format has been derailed, but is about to become dominant. The first sign of this, he argues, is what we see happening in the culture industries.

    I present the general argument, then a example that Kevin has chosen to illustrate the crisis, and that concerns the iPhone.

    1. General argument

    Kevin Carson:

    “The unsustainability of the old corporate framework is most apparent in the culture industries. The copyright-centered business model of the old corporate dinosaurs simply cannot survive in an environment where the basic capital equipment for recording and sound editing, podcasting, software design, and desktop publishing are affordable on an individual basis, and in which bittorrent and strong encryption make copyright obsolete. The old gatekeeper corporations originally owed their power to the enormous capital outlays required to start a newspaper, a radio station or a record studio, with twentieth century technology–often amounting, at a minimum, to hundreds of thousands of dollars. The main function of the traditional corporate firm was to govern the tangible assets, hire labor to work them, and supervise the labor to make sure it was acting in the interests of the corporation. Today, in contrast, the basic item of capital equipment for desktop publishing, sound editing or podcasting is the personal computer, which is in more than half the homes in the country. The networked environment, combined with endless varieties of cheap software for creating and editing content, makes it possible for the amateur to produce output of a quality once associated with giant publishing houses and recording companies. In this environment, the only thing standing between the old information and media dinosaurs and their total collapse is their so-called “intellectual property” rights–which, once again, are becoming unenforceable.

    In the information and culture industries, where the basic production equipment is affordable to all, and bottom-up networking renders management obsolete, it is likely that self-managed, cooperative production will replace the old managerial hierarchies. Music, publishing and software will be governed by peer production on the Linux model. But how is it possible to realize value from open-source production with zero cost of reproduction? The answer is suggested by the business models of Red Hat, Phish and Radiohead. Red Hat, a Linux distributor, can’t make money from ownership rights over the software itself. But it does quite well selling customer support and product customization. Phish gives the basic product, its music, away free; it makes money from concert tickets and concessions. Radiohead experimented with offering an album for free download from its website, coupled with the collection of voluntary contributions via what amounted to a glorified PayPal tip jar.

    The interesting thing about Radiohead’s business model is that, because there is no physical reproduction process (the downloader burns his own CD), the overhead cost (mainly hosting and administering the website) is close to zero when spread over all the downloads. So even if the downloaders only average a buck or two per person, or even less, the revenue is essentially free and clear. Apologists for copyright like to say “you can’t compete with free.” Actually, though, there is still a significant rent entailed in the time and trouble of entering the market, even when there are no proprietary rights to the content. For the largest bestselling authors, like Stephen King, it may be worth it to offer his content at a unit price of fifty cents over production cost, even when King is selling his books for only a dollar over cost. But for the vast majority of writers and musical artists with small to medium-sized market profiles, so long as they sell their product for a modest markup over production cost, the profit to be gained by undercutting them by such a small amount simply isn’t worth the trouble. It’s only those who charge a large markup who would make it worth the competitor’s while to undercut them. As for manufacturing, the new economy that emerges from the Time of Troubles, if anything, will be more Emilia-Romagna than Emilia-Romagna itself.

    Product design will be revolutionized around modular components, for durability and cheap reparability.

    2. The iPhone: sabotaging repair

    “Julian Sanchez’s discussion of the i-Phone is a good example of the effect of proprietary technology in reinforcing planned obsolescence.

    Julian Sanchez:

    (1) Some minor physical problem afflicts my portable device—the kind of thing that just happens sooner or later when you’re carting around something meant to be used on the go. In this case, the top button on my iPhone had gotten jammed in, rendering it nonfunctional and making the phone refuse to boot normally unless plugged in.

    (2) I make a pro forma trip to the putative “Genius Bar” at an Apple Store out in Virginia. Naturally, they inform me that since this doesn’t appear to be the result of an internal defect, it’s not covered. But they’ll be only too happy to service/replace it for something like $250, at which price I might as well just buy a new one….

    (3) I ask the guy if he has any tips if I’m going to do it myself—any advice on opening it, that sort of thing. He’s got no idea….

    (4) Pulling out a couple of tiny screwdrivers, I start in on the satanic puzzlebox casing Apple locks around all its hardware. I futz with it for at least 15 minutes before cracking the top enough to get at the inner works.

    (5) Once this is done, it takes approximately five seconds to execute the necessary repair by unwedging the jammed button.

    I have two main problems with this. First, you’ve got what’s obviously a simple physical problem that can very probably be repaired in all of a minute flat with the right set of tools. But instead of letting their vaunted support guys give this a shot, they’re encouraging customers—many of whom presumably don’t know any better—to shell out a ludicrous amount of money to replace it and send the old one in….

    Second, the iPhone itself is pointlessly designed to deter self service. Sure, the large majority of users are never going to want to crack their phone open. Then again, most users probably don’t want to crack their desktops or laptops open, but we don’t expect manufacturers to go out of their way to make it difficult to do. Again, in the instance, this was 15 minutes screwing with the case for a problem that took literally seconds to fix.”

    Kevin concludes:

    With due respect to Sanchez, the point of deterring self-service is the price of a new phone. It’s a fairly common business model: sell printers cheap, but sell product-specific toner at an enormous monopoly markup; sell blood glucometers cheap, but charge $100 a box for the testing strips. In the old days, it was cheap electric typewriters and expensive ribbons. And of course, thanks to “intellectual property” law, it’s illegal to manufacture generic accessories for someone else’s product.”

    Conversation: Add your Comment »

    Posted in: Open Design, P2P Economics, P2P Technology, P2P Theory, Peer Production, Peer Property (IP) | del.icio.us:The peer production of the iPhone digg:The peer production of the iPhone newsvine:The peer production of the iPhone

    We need protection against online eviction!

    photo of Michel Bauwens
    Michel Bauwens
    6th January 2009


    Via Identity Woman:

    AOL has been shutting down its free Web services, in some cases with little or no notice to users, and they are not the only ones. This blog post on the coming “datapocalypse” makes the case that those who host Web content should be required to provide notice and access to data for a year, and be held strictly accountable the way landlords are before they can evict a tenant. Some commenters on the post argue that you get what you pay for with free Web services, and that users should be backing up their data anyway. What do you think, should there be required notice and access before online hosts take user data offline for good?

    Conversation: Add your Comment »

    Posted in: P2P Governance, P2P Legal Dev. | del.icio.us:We need protection against online eviction! digg:We need protection against online eviction! newsvine:We need protection against online eviction!

    The coming of the neotechnic era

    photo of Michel Bauwens
    Michel Bauwens
    5th January 2009


    “Production with small-scale, free-standing, electrically powered machinery was the defining feature of what Lewis Mumford called the neotechnic era, which in his periodization of technological history followed the paleotechnic era of steam, coal and Dark Satanic Mills.”

    Kevin Carson’s latest essay which we mentioned yesterday, contains an important argument about which form of technology is most adapted to current possibilities. In short: the availability of distributed electric power leads to the superiority of a distributed model, which has been historically derailed by the industrial model, but can no longer be stopped.

    To understand it, one needs to know a little bit of Lewis Mumford’s periodization of technological history, which I have to present first. This will be followed by Carson’s argument, so please, do read on.

    1. The three stages of technological history

    Kevin Carson, summarizing Lewis Mumford:

    The idea of resurrecting old technologies in a modern context is also suggested by Mumford’s periodization of technological history in Technics and Civilization. Mumford divided late medieval and modern technological development into three considerably overlapping periods: the eotechnic, the paleotechnic, and the neotechnic.

    The original technological revolution of the late Middle Ages, the eotechnic, was associated with the skilled craftsmen of the free towns, and eventually incorporated the fruits of investigation by the early scientists. It began with agricultural innovations like the horse collar and horseshoe, and crop rotation. In mechanics, its greatest achievements were the invention of clockwork machinery, and the intensive development of water and wind power. It achieved great advances in the use of wood and glass, masonry, and paper (the latter including the printing press). The agricultural advances of the early second millennium were further built on by the innovations of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, like raised bed horticulture and greenhouses.

    The eotechnic revolution largely stagnated in the early modern period, being supplanted or crowded out by the paleotechnic revolution. Paleotechnic was associated with the new centralized state and its privileged economic clients, and centered on mining, iron, coal, and steam power. It culminated in the “dark satanic mills” of the nineteenth century and the giant corporations of the late nineteenth and early twentieth. Although the paleotechnic incorporated some contributions from the eotechnic period, it was a fundamental departure in direction, and involved the abandonment of a rival path of development. To a large extent, technology was developed in the interests of the new royal absolutists, mercantilist industry and the factory system that grew out of it, and the new capitalist agriculturists (especially the Whig oligarchy of England); it incorporated only those eotechnic contributions that were compatible with the new tyrannies, and abandoned the rest.

    The beginning of the neotechnic period was associated, among other things, with the invention of the prerequisites for electrical power–the dynamo, the alternator, the storage cell, the electric motor–along with the development of small-scale electric production machinery suitable for the small shop and power tools suitable for household production. Electricity made possible the use of virtually any form of energy, indirectly, as a prime mover for production: combustibles of all kinds, sun, wind, water, even temperature differentials. As Ralph Borsodi showed, with electricity most goods could be produced in small shops and households with an efficiency at least competitive with that of the great factories, once the greatly reduced distribution costs of small-scale production were taken into account.

    The modest increases in unit cost of production are offset not only by greatly reduced distribution costs, but by the possibility of timing production to need instead of attempting to engineer mass-consumption to the needs of production:

    if the domestic grain grinder is less efficient, from a purely mechanical standpoint, than the huge flour mills of Minneapolis, it permits a nicer timing of production to need, so that it is no longer necessary to consume bolted white flours because whole wheat flours deteriorate more quickly and spoil if they are ground too long before they are sold and used.

    To put it another way, if the object is to have the highest quality flour with bran and germ intact, at a reasonable cost, as opposed to nutritionally dead wallpaper paste, the small mill is the most efficient means available. The larger mills are only more “efficient” if the consumer is subordinated to the needs of large-scale production.”

    2. The two phases of derailment

    As it is cleary that this neotechnic age has not been fully carried out, one must ask the question why this is so.

    Kevin Carson:

    1. Earlier Mis-adaptation of neotechnic potential

    The fulfillment of this potential, unfortunately, has been delayed. Mumford argued that the neotechnic technologies developed from the late nineteenth century on, based on the decentralizing potential of small-scale electrically powered machinery, have not been used to their full potential as the building blocks of a fundamentally new kind of economy; they have, rather, been incorporated into the preexisting paleotechnic framework. Neotechnic had not “displaced the older regime” with “speed and decisiveness,” and had not yet “developed its own form and organization.” He explained the phenomenon with reference to Spengler’s idea of the “cultural pseudomorph” (a fancy version of path dependency):

    …in geology… a rock may retain its structure after certain elements have been leached out of it and been replaced by an entirely different kind of material. Since the apparent structure of the old rock remains, the new product is called a pseudomorph. A similar metamorphosis is possible in culture: new forces, activities, institutions, instead of crystallizing independently into their own appropriate forms, may creep into the structure of an existing civilization…. As a civilization, we have not yet entered the neotechnic phase…. [W]e are still living, in Matthew Arnold’s words, between two worlds, one dead, the other powerless to be born.

    …Emerging from the paleotechnic order, the neotechnic institutions have nevertheless in many cases compromised with it, given way before it, lost their identity by reason of the weight of vested interests that continued to support the obsolete instruments and the anti- social aims of the middle industrial era. Paleotechnic ideals still largely dominate the industry and the politics of the Western World…. To the extent that neotechnic industry has failed to transform the coal-and-iron complex, to the extent that it has failed to secure an adequate foundation for its humaner technology in the community as a whole, to the extent that it has lent its heightened powers to the miner, the financier, the militarist, the possibilities of disruption and chaos have increased.

    The new machines followed, not their own pattern, but the pattern laid down by previous economic and technical structures.

    We have merely used our new machines and energies to further processes which were begun under the auspices of capitalist and military enterprise: we have not yet utilized them to conquer these forms of enterprise and subdue them to more vital and humane purposes…. Not alone have the older forms of technics served to constrain the development of the neotechnic economy: but the new inventions and devices have been frequently used to maintain, renew, stabilize the structure of the old social order….

    The present pseudomorph is, socially and technically, third-rate. It has only a fraction of the efficiency that the neotechnic civilization as a whole may possess, provided it finally produces its own institutional forms and controls and directions and patterns. At present, instead of finding these forms, we have applied our skill and invention in such a manner as to give a fresh lease of life to many of the obsolete capitalist and militarist institutions of the older period. Paleotechnic purposes with neotechnic means: that is the most obvious characteristic of the present order.”

    2, Current Misuse of Neotechnic Potential

    But the cultural pseudomorph is unsustainable and riddled with contradictions, in ways that Mumford did not anticipate in the pessimism of his later years. In the earlier stage of the cultural pseudomorph that Mumford remarked on, neotechnic methods were integrated into a mass-production framework fundamentally opposed to the technology’s real potential. Rather than integrating electrically powered machinery into craft production, despite the chief rationale for the large factory being gone, Sloanist production instead integrated the new machinery into the Dark Satanic Mill. As Waddell and Bodek observed, the layout of the machinery in a Sloanist factory followed the same exact pattern as if it all had to be hooked to belts running off the drive shaft from a central steam engine or water-wheel.

    But since Mumford wrote, the cultural pseudomorph has entered a second, far weaker phase. Starting with the lean revolution in Japan and spreading to the U.S. from the 1970s on, mass production on the Taylor-Sloan model is being replaced by flexible, networked production with general-purpose machinery, with the production process organized along lines much closer to the neotechnic ideal. But the neotechnic, even though it has finally begun to emerge as the basis of a new, coherent production model governed by its own laws, is still distorted by the pseudomorph in a weaker form: the persistence of the corporate framework of marketing, finance and “intellectual property.”

    But the corporate framework is itself unsustainable. The proliferation of even more productive small-scale machinery, like desktop digitally-controlled machine tools, combined with the unenforceability of “intellectual property” law in the digital age, and combined as well with new ways for ordinary people to pool dispersed capital, are leading to a singularity that will tear down the corporate walls. The separate terminal crises of corporate capitalism are reinforcing each other to create a perfect storm: the corporate economy’s need for subsidized inputs continues to grow exponentially, even as the collapse of the rents on intellectual property causes the base of taxable value to implode.

    So long as the state successfully manages to prop up the centralized corporate economic order, libertarian and decentralist technologies and organizational forms will be incorporated into the old corporate framework. As the system approaches its limits of sustainability, those elements become increasingly destabilizing forces within the present system, and prefigure the successor system. When the system finally reaches that limit, those elements will (to paraphrase Marx) break out of their state capitalist integument and become the building blocks of a fundamentally different free market society.”

    (the citation in block-quote is from: Lewis Mumford. Technics and Civilization. New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Company, 1934)

    Conversation: Add your Comment »

    Posted in: Desktop Manufacturing, P2P Economics | del.icio.us:The coming of the neotechnic era digg:The coming of the neotechnic era newsvine:The coming of the neotechnic era

    Best Netlabel Music compilations

    photo of Michel Bauwens
    Michel Bauwens
    5th January 2009


    We dived into the deep ocean of free music and came back with this adventurous compilation. Explore with us music from all over the globe, from Indie-Pop to Techno to Drum’n’Bass to Ambient.

    Phlow Magazine has a number of compilations of the best ‘netlabel’ music out there.

    As Netlabelism wrote already quite a while ago:

    The goal is to bring every month an anthology of the best tunes around the world. The title of the series is “Their Finest Hour”. We are very happy with this initiative, because there’s tons and tons of music on the internet and netlabels, and we welcome every effort to filter and organise this stuff. Thanks Phlow! The releases are made with much care, love and respect. There’s streaming, download per tune, zip-file and a nice cover.”

    These netcompilations are freely available.

    Conversation: Add your Comment »

    Posted in: P2P Culture | del.icio.us:Best Netlabel Music compilations digg:Best Netlabel Music compilations newsvine:Best Netlabel Music compilations

    The necessity of an actively ‘tagged’ digital public domain

    photo of Michel Bauwens
    Michel Bauwens
    5th January 2009


    “The purpose of copyright law has been to promote learning and the progress of knowledge. Two features of copyright law should provide the guide for how to respond to access concerns. First, copyright is an author’s right. This is definitional….

    Second,…copyright is a time-limited right. Copyright expires so that the public may ultimately gain unlimited access and use rights. This also is definitional….

    Therefore, by design, all copyrighted works are destined for the public domain….”

    Michael Carroll makes a strong case that we need a specifically defined ‘digital’ public domain, which needs to be actively digitized, made accessible, and tagged and marked for easy usage by the authors and producers of the material, as a matter of public duty, in particular by the research community and universities who receive public money.

    The following excerpts contains the definition of the digital public domain and his call to the research community.

    1. On the need for a digital public domain:

    Michael Carroll:

    In the age of the Internet, we need to reconceive the public domain as the Digital Public Domain. In the Digital Public Domain, it is not enough that a work is free from copyright restrictions. A positive commitment to universal access to the public domain requires first that public domain works be digitized or at least be subject to a protocol that enables digitization when cost effective.

    Second, works free from copyright restrictions should be made accessible over the Internet. Mass digitization of the public domain promotes the goals of universal access, improved learning, and the progress of science.

    Third, works free from copyright restrictions should not be subject to technological measures or contractual restrictions or “terms of use” that in any way inhibit members of the public from exercising their usage rights in public domain works.

    Fourth, access and the absence of legal restrictions alone are insufficient. Those who search the Internet for information often do so for active purposes. It is not sufficient to find information that is topically relevant. The information also must be useful for the researcher’s purposes. Marking and tagging works with their use rights enables computers to search for information that is both topically relevant and useful.

    From this principle follows the corollary that the digital public domain should be tagged and marked as such….

    Consequently, those public and private bodies that laudably have been investing in efforts to digitize public domain works should increase the returns on their investment by marking and tagging public domain works as such. Creative Commons provides a metadata standard for digitally marking works with their use rights, the Creative Commons Rights Expression Language (ccREL). Specifically, Creative Commons provides a means of marking a public domain work as such. Creative Commons requires support to implement plans to update this protocol to provide more robust information about public domain works.”

    2. The role of the research community

    Faculty authors and other professional researchers have a responsibility to manage their copyrights in a way that ensures public access to the scholarly record well before copyright expires in these works. Why? Because the standard justification for granting author’s rights does not neatly apply to these scholarly authors. They are motivated by the desire to be read and are not remunerated by journal publishers for publishing their work.

    When authors have no need to limit access to their work for purposes of remuneration, they should make their work freely available to promote the progress of science. When researchers have been funded by the government or by private charities, it is inexcusable not to ensure reasonable and timely free public access to the fruits of this research consistent with copyright.

    Progress has been made recently in improving free public access to recent scholarship. As directed by the United States Congress, the National Institutes of Health now requires researchers who accept NIH funds to ensure that NIH receives a copyright license to make peer-reviewed articles publicly available on the Internet no later than 12 months after the date of publication. Many public and private science funders in Europe, Canada, and Australia have similar policies, with 6 month deadlines.

    Faculty authors are coming to the realization that the way they manage their publishing rights should reflect their core values and the university’s core commitment to disseminating knowledge. A number of faculties have adopted resolutions recommending open access, but these have led to very few results. Just as was the case when the NIH policy was voluntary, authors at these institutions generally continue to sign away their rights to make their work available on the Internet or fail to use such rights when they have them by depositing manuscripts in an open access repository.”

    3. In conclusion:

    “In sum, the initiatives to digitize public domain works and to provide open access to contemporary learning share the common goal of making the Internet a repository for human knowledge and a more powerful resource for researchers, students, teachers, and learners of all kinds around the world. Three principles derived from the purposes of copyright law, should guide these efforts: (1) the works should be freely available; (2) public domain works should be free from any contractual restrictions on use; and (3) the works should be marked with their use rights.”

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    Optimism as a Political Act

    photo of Michel Bauwens
    Michel Bauwens
    4th January 2009


    The two blockquoted citations are followed by a important and inspiring reflection on the role of optimism by Alex Steffen. Really worth reading.

    “Pessimism is a luxury we can only afford in good times, in difficult times it easily represents a self-inflicted, self-fulfilling death sentence. This insight, to me, is real Realism or real Realpolitik, far from blue-eyed Idealism. We have to courageously resist the current tendency to suspect those who work for a better world to be hopeless idealists. This would mean Realpolitik letting disaster happen (by deepening fault lines instead of transcending them), and us not at least attempting to prevent this. Strange real Realpolitik!” (Evelin Lindner, 2004.)

    “To be hopeful in bad times is not just foolishly romantic. It is based on the fact that human history is a history not only of cruelty, but also of compassion, sacrifice, courage, kindness. What we choose to emphasize in this complex history will determine our lives. If we see only the worst, it destroys our capacity to do something. If we remember those times and places - and there are so many - where people have behaved magnificently, this gives us the energy to act, and at least the possibility of sending this spinning top of a world in a different direction. And if we do act, in however small a way, we don’t have to wait for some grand utopian future. The future is an infinite succession of presents, and to live now as we think human beings should live, in defiance of all that is bad around us, is itself a marvelous victory.” (Howard Zinn, You Can’t Be Neutral on a Moving Train: A personal history of our times, 2004, p. 208)

    Full article is here .

    Excerpts from a text by Alex Steffen:

    1.

    Optimism is a political act.

    Entrenched interests use despair, confusion and apathy to prevent change. They encourage modes of thinking which lead us to believe that problems are insolvable, that nothing we do can matter, that the issue is too complex to present even the opportunity for change. It is a long-standing political art to sow the seeds of mistrust between those you would rule over: as Machiavelli said, tyrants do not care if they are hated, so long as those under them do not love one another. Cynicism is often seen as a rebellious attitude in Western popular culture, but, in reality, cynicism in average people is the attitude exactly most likely to conform to the desires of the powerful – cynicism is obedience.

    Optimism, by contrast, especially optimism which is neither foolish nor silent, can be revolutionary. Where no one believes in a better future, despair is a logical choice, and people in despair almost never change anything. Where no one believes a better solution is possible, those benefiting from the continuation of a problem are safe. Where no one believes in the possibility of action, apathy becomes an insurmountable obstacle to reform. But introduce intelligent reasons for believing that action is possible, that better solutions are available, and that a better future can be built, and you unleash the power of people to act out of their highest principles. Shared belief in a better future is the strongest glue there is: it creates the opportunity for us to love one another, and love is an explosive force in politics.

    Great movements for social change always begin with statements of great optimism.”

    2.

    Consider, instead, the politics of optimism:

    1) That realism ought best to be defined as “within our capacity” and “necessary.”

    2) That we have the capacity to create and deploy solutions to the world’s biggest problems, and the magnitude of the consequences of failure (both for ourselves and generations to come) demands that we act immediately.

    3) That it is possible to act in such a way that the prospects of most people on the planet are improved. While certain costs will be incurred, the returns on those investments will be quite attractive, not only in ecological stability, international security and human well-being, but in terms of plain old economic prosperity. These solutions will make the future better than the present for the almost everyone, and greatly improve the lots of our children and grandchildren.

    4) Therefore, defining our win scenarios, imagining the kind of future we want to create, describing the solutions that will make building that future possible, and publicly committing ourselves to success are the appropriate course of action.

    Nothing about the politics of optimism needs to be naive. We can understand that people are fallible, mostly self-motivated and sometimes even mistaken about what’s in their own best interests. We can stress the importance of informed decision-making, demand rigor and note uncertainty. We can recognize the massive differentials in power and wealth in our society and be clear-headed about the difficulty of opposing those whose power and wealth is tied to planetary destruction. We can anticipate setbacks and failures, disappointments and betrayals. We can expect corruption and demand transparency. We can freely admit the profound difficulty of the work yet to be done, even the possibility of total failure.

    We can freely acknowledge the tremendous struggle ahead of us, and yet choose to remain decidedly optimistic, and to work from a fundamental belief in the possibilities of the future. When we do that, we liberate ourselves from some of the burden of despair and powerlessness we’ve all been saddled with at the dawn of the 21st Century.

    But when we do it in public — when we stand up and refuse to accept the idea that failure is preordained and action is unrealistic — we strike right down to the heart of the political conflict we really face: the conflict between our party of the future and their party of the past.

    I’m more and more convinced that incrementalism in the absence of committed vision almost always serves the politics of impossibility. Paradoxically, a lot of old school activism does as well. The impossibility lobby is entirely okay with Greenpeace or whoever doing direct action to highlight the latest dire predictions about the ruin of the Earth, because they’ve mostly moved on from debating reality to defining response. They’re okay with people thinking the crisis is downright apocalyptic, so long as those same people don’t think there’s really anything we can do differently.

    That’s why our best hope lies in a fighting optimism, an optimism that’s willing to confront the impossibility lobby and its messengers and make very clear that a feeble, halting response is not the rational or responsible response, but a corrupt and morally bankrupt response.

    Every time we explain how a better future might be built, we redraw the boundaries of the possible. We show that the realm of choice available to us is actually quite large, and even includes paths that might, for instance, harm the interests of rich old guys who own big chunks of coal companies or the petrochemical industry but improve the prospects of pretty much everyone else.

    We need to accelerate innovation and magnify vision. We need to school ourselves in the possible, share ideas, imagine outcomes, weigh options. We need to figure out how best to transform the systems we’ve built. I definitely don’t have the answers personally, but Worldchanging aims to be a useful tool for people undertaking that exploration.

    Ultimately, though, we need something more than better answers. We need millions of people who are willing to teach the teachable, comfort the disheartened and confront the scoundrels. We need to take our politics public and take on the whole culture of cynical defeatism. On some days, I think we need an optimism uprising.”

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    BitTorrent is not good for streaming video

    photo of Michel Bauwens
    Michel Bauwens
    4th January 2009


    The Peer-to-Peer Research Institute gives a review of technological developments. Go here for the full articles and the links.

    Excerpt:

    As we have written about before on this blog, BitTorrent is not good for streaming video due to its rarest-first download ordering policy. In order to stream video, or music, or whatever - you want it to arrive in a predictable order. Typically that order is linear, starting at the start. This way data arrives in the order of consumption. But BitTorrent does not provide this. In fact, it almost explicitly guarantees that it will not order data in a linear fashion. BitTorrent trades predictable ordering for replication increases. Under BitTorrent, the rarest pieces of data will be replicated the most, and so become less rare.

    So what, then?

    Companies are instead developing their own protocols. The EU has given 19 million euro to one P2P group which is modifying the BitTorrent protocol to support streaming - presumably by doing away with the rarest-first policy.

    China has a number of well-funded start ups developing their own P2P video streaming technologies. Blin.cn claims to be 50x faster than BitTorrent for video streaming. Google is an investor in Chinese streaming company Xunlei.

    And of course BitTorrent, Inc have been working to develop their own video streaming version of their protocol.”

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    Market crisis and industrial policy

    photo of Michel Bauwens
    Michel Bauwens
    4th January 2009


    One of my sparring partners is Kevin Carson of Mutualist.org. We do not agree on everything, I guess I’m still a social-democrat at heart, but I always find his thinking to be open and clear, and we find ourselves in our mutual preference for peer to peer dynamics, including on the level of economic transactions.

    I guess the commonality is: if we control our own means of production, we are more able to voluntarily aggregate them in common production projects (or do it individually and exchange those goods).

    Kevin’s particular perspective, as I understand it, is this: there is a strong connection between the current form of state-maintained, subsidized and protected ‘capitalism’ (which Kevin holds is the opposite of a true free market), and the size of the state. If it because the current system is so fundamentally flawed and crisis-ridden, that we need such a big state in the first place.

    In this vision, stopping subsidies to unsustainable ‘bigness’, would be the best strategy not just for a more sustainable society and economy, but for achieving a more moderate state size.

    Kevin Carson has explained this argument in detail, in a latest essay, available here.

    It is entitled: Industrial Policy: New Wine in Old Bottles

    Excerpt:

    Their vision of how to restore “the economy,” naturally, amounts to a return to an economic “normalcy” defined by giant corporations and mass consumer society. The problem is, the present model of industrial production is about as sustainable as the Titanic. It came into existence only through government policies to subsidize the operating costs and inefficiencies of big business, and a regulatory framework (including “intellectual property”) to protect it from competition. And that industrial model is hitting a wall, a systemic crisis, in which government will no longer have the resources to subsidize inputs at the level at which they are demanded. The present industrial model, identified with GM’s Alfred Sloan and celebrated by Alfred Chandler, is based on enormous market areas and costly, product-specific machinery. The only way to keep the unit costs of such machinery down is large-batch production to utilize full capacity, and then worrying about making people buy it only afterward (commonly known as “supply-push distribution.”2 So Sloanist industry, under “Generally Accepted Accounting Principles,” produces goods to sell to inventory, regardless of whether there are orders for it or even of whether the product works, and has an astronomical recall rate.3 It follows a business model based on consumer credit and planned obsolescence to keep the wheels running. As Ralph Borsodi described it, the push distribution system required by Sloan-style mass production amounted to making water run uphill.”

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